Flick affair
Flick Affair, also called Flick- party funding scandal in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany one uncovered in the 1980s political scandal involving covert political contributions of the Flick Group. According to Flick manager Eberhard von Brauchitsch these practices served to maintain the political landscape. There was also the suspicion that charitable contributions have been related to an influence of decisions of the Federal Ministry of Economics in favor of the Flick Group and the CEOs Friedrich Karl Flick.
The Flick Affair led to a significant loss of confidence in the parties involved in the population.
Affair and process
Starting point of the Flick affair was a Stock Market in 1975, in which the Flick Group sold shares in Daimler -Benz AG in the value of 1.9 billion marks to the German bank. The Flick Group applied to the competent Federal Ministry of Economic Affairs in January of the year for this business, the tax exemption under § 6b of the Income Tax Act for economically eligible reinvestment. The tax payable would have amounted to nearly 986 million marks. Both incumbent at that time Federal Minister for Economic Affairs, Hans Friedrichs, and his successor Otto Graf Lambsdorff ( FDP both ) issued these permits.
1981 came the taxman Klaus Förster after persistent investigation, starting from the donation practice of the nonprofit company Soverdia, lockers Dresdner Bank branch north street in Dusseldorf - PEMPELFORT on a cash book of Flick- General accountant Rudolf Diehl, represented in the cash payments to politicians of all in the Bundestag parties were listed. Among others were: three times 250,000 D- Mark at the CSU chairman Franz Josef Strauss, once 50,000 D- Mark to CDU chairman Helmut Kohl, as well as various payments to FDP leaders: including more times 30,000 Deutsche Mark Otto Graf Lambsdorff several times 70,000 Deutsche Mark Hans Friedrichs as well as a one time payment of 100,000 D- Mark Walter Scheel. The then Finance Minister Hans Matthöfer of the SPD had received 40,000 D-Mark. As with Friedrichs, Lambsdorff and Matthöfer included several ministers of the social-liberal government to the circle of benefit recipients, the suspicion of bribery or corruption has been charged.
The competent Flick for political lobbying Manager Eberhard von Brauchitsch explained to the payments that it had merely acted to political donations. Another key figure in charitable contributions was the Flick authorized representative and CDU politician Hans -Adolf Kanter. Kanter had sold additionally adjacent to the lobby activity as an agent, even before the elucidation of the affair, information about payments made to the foreign intelligence service of the GDR. However, the Stasi did not give this information to West German media further, as it was feared an unmasking Kanters, according to the intelligence chief Markus Wolf.
On 29 November 1983, the Prosecutor announced to bring charges against the managers and Manfred von Brauchitsch Nemitz for continued corruption, as well as for corruption against Friedrichs, Lambsdorff and the former Minister of Economics of the State of North Rhine -Westphalia Horst Ludwig Riemer. The Bundestag lifted on 2 December at the request of the investigating Bonn public prosecutor 's immunity of the incumbent Federal Economics Minister to Lambsdorff, who then, as the charges were approved, resigned on 27 June 1984.
The trial before the Bonn District Court lasted about one and a half years. According to the judge Hans Henning Buchholz fell " almost all witnesses ... by their poor memory on ". Ultimately, however, were condemned politician and former Federal Minister of Economics Friedrichs and Otto Graf Lambsdorff only for tax evasion or abetting tax evasion on February 16, 1987 Eberhard von Brauchitsch as well. Von Brauchitsch a probation, Lambsdorff and Friedrichs received fines. Influencing policy decisions by monetary payments could not be detected.
Issued by the practice of the Divine Word Father Josef Schröder, the former managing director of Soverdia Society, tax-deductible receipts to five times the amount of the donation amount, the tax inspectors Klaus Förster came on the track of further donations from the Flick Group, which ultimately triggered the Flick affair.
Bundestag committee of inquiry
The Bundestag set in 1984, after the resignation Lambsdorff, a Committee of Flick Affair one. Committee was chaired by Manfred Langner ( CDU). The Committee's work went on for two years, 66 sessions to give evidence and interrogation 321 hours and produced 11,500 pages of meetings.
When the suspicion arose, Rainer Barzel, at that time President of the Bundestag, have a law firm will also receive grants from Flick ( sham as fees for consultancy work, but in reality as a reward for making it in April 1973 when his resignation on CDU Party and group's presidency have opened the way for Helmut Kohl ), entered this on 25 October 1984, one day after his interrogation by the investigating committee, from his position as President of the Bundestag back. But all charges against him proved in retrospect to be baseless.
On the part of the newly represented in the Bundestag Greens Schily used the podium of the Bonner Committee of Inquiry and the fact that the Greens could not be affected by the affair, the only party to clearly critical of the " old parties ". Much attention was also his criminal complaint against Chancellor Helmut Kohl for alleged false testimony during the investigation committee. The gaps in memory of Chancellor Helmut Kohl said CDU General Secretary Heiner Geissler later with a "blackout" of the Registrar.
Over the elucidation of the affair had shown that in the 1970s all the parties represented at this time in the Bundestag, ie, CDU, CSU, SPD and FDP, donations of Flick Group had received - partly classified as a charitable party-affiliated organizations such as the civic Association. Through the investigation committee was clear that 1969-1980 over 25 million D- Mark had flowed from Flicks slush funds to politicians of the CDU / CSU, FDP and SPD. It went in this period 15 million DM to the CDU / CSU, FDP and 6.5 million to 4.3 million to the SPD.
The refusal of the Ministry of Economic Affairs to make certain records available to the Committee, led to the Flick- committee of inquiry ruling of the Federal Constitutional Court, in which the rights of the investigation committees were strengthened.
Political consequences
Over the elucidation of the affair had shown that the CDU, CSU, SPD and FDP had disregarded the applicable provisions of the Political Parties Act. In the public debate on these procedures, however, differences emerged in Review: So leading representatives of the political parties showed little awareness of wrongdoing and argued how difficult was the financing of political parties and that it is at best handle a minor offense - an approach from between 1981 and 1984 several attempts resulted enforce an amnesty by law, but were thwarted by the resistance of the press and the base of each party.
Instead, the rules on donations in the Political Parties Act as well as the reporting requirements of the deputies were ultimately exacerbated with respect to their perquisites.