Post-democracy

Post-Democracy refers to a political system in which it is not ( seen as input ) on the participation of citizens, but only on matters results that serve the common good and the criterion of distributive justice satisfy ( output orientation ). In terms of collectively binding decisions in these democratic procedures is attributed only instrumental significance. You appear to be useful, if and insofar as majority voting or democratically controlled hierarchical decisions are suitable to produce generally well -oriented policies.

It is assumed, in contrast to pluralism theory that the common good is objectively determinable and not discharged conflicts of interest in the democratic process, but should be canceled by management operations.

The elected representatives relocate while their skills (and the responsibility) to experts, commissions and corporations. The citizen is not regarded as the sovereign, must be decided on its behalf, but must be capable of the specified requirements of the common good, usually understood as the conditions of the global market to meet.

Colin Crouch

The British political scientist Colin Crouch defines an ideal-typical post-democracy follows:

" A community in which, although held to be still elections [ ... ], in which, however, competing teams of professional public relations experts, the public debate during the election campaigns control so strong that it degenerates into a mere spectacle, in which only discussed a number of issues that have previously selected the experts "

His ideal-typical definition of democracy "implies that a very large number of people involved in serious political lively debates and in shaping the political agenda and not just passively respond to polls; that these people have a certain level of political expertise and they deal with the ensuing political events and problems. "

'll Promoted the development of post-democracy by the different high degree of crosslinking on the one hand global companies and on the other nation-states. Crouch sees the central problem is that the approximation of wage levels, labor rights or environmental standards by intergovernmental cooperation has progressed more slowly than the globalization of business activities. So could threaten multinational corporations with the relocation of jobs, if they are not satisfied, for example, tax or labor market systems. This threat of force was so powerful that the influence of companies and wealthy on government decisions is stronger than that of the citizen ( race to the bottom ). His central thesis is that the Western democracies, the state of post-democracy closer and closer and in the wake of the " influence of privileged elites " increases.

Among other things, why governments would follow in the 1980s neoliberal policies that promote privatization and the citizens imposes more responsibility. Crouch makes the case: " the more the state withdraws from caring for the lives of ordinary people and admits that these sink into political apathy, the easier business associations can it - more or less unnoticed - Make it a self-service store. The inability to recognize this is the fundamental naivete of neoliberal thinking. "

Ritzi and Schaal denote post-democracy " in this sense [ as ] a sham democracy in institutional housing a full-fledged democracy. "

The term post-democracy holds Crouch for well-suited " to describe situations [ to ], where have become widespread after a moment of democracy boredom, frustration and disillusionment; in which representatives of powerful interest groups [ ... ] are far more active than the majority of the citizens [ ... ]; where political elites have learned to manipulate the demands of the people; where you citizens through campaigns "must persuade from above" to ever go to choice. " Crouch explicitly points out that post-democracy is not a non-democratic state.

Decline of political communication

A further characteristic of the post-democracy is according to Crouch, " the decline of political communication " caused among other things by the advertising industry and the introduction of commercial television. The media companies are " now part of the commercial sector " and " control of these media [ is ] is concentrated in the hands of very few people. " Examples include Silvio Berlusconi or Rupert Murdoch. "The acquisition of the methods has helped policy makers to solve the problem of communication with the mass audience; of democracy itself, they have thus done a great disservice. "

Exclusive privileges Less

Another aspect is according to Crouch, the " return of political privileges to specific entrepreneurs -. , Under the guise of the rhetoric of the market economy and free competition " provides Crouch After this " the most serious problem for democracy dar. "

Apparent loss of classes

A symptom of post-democracy is that many are convinced that " there are no social classes " would be more. This is based on the " decline of the traditional working class " and the " lack of cohesion of other classes ," although there are considerable differences in wealth are in the western world.

Ways out by Crouch

Crouch are three levels in order to change the apparently " unstoppable course towards post-democracy ": " First, with measures that aim to limit the growing dominance of the economic elites; secondly, with reforms of political practice as such, and third, there are possibilities for action that are open to the citizens themselves. " This last point is to " mobilize new identities ", which are to provide, for example, via town hall meetings the participants of action. The hope of the revival of democracy lies in the new social movements, which can cause identity for the citizens. These new movements, but would have to be successful, use "post- democratic " mechanisms of lobbying for their own purposes. However, parties should remain central attachment point for a revitalization of democracy. A critical assistance and support of the parties is necessary, according to Crouch for democratic change. He cautions against extreme tendencies as "violent [n ] campaigns for animal welfare, extreme [ n] factions of the anti-capitalist anti-globalization protesters, racist [n ] organizations and various [n ] private [n ] initiatives to combat crime, whose positions are not far from lynchings are removed. "

These new movements are intended to provide " a contribution to democratic vitality " and " politics before [ ... ] preserve, degenerated into a manipulative game among elites. "

More Ways out of the post-democracy

The political scientist Roland Roth proposes a strengthening of civic engagement, especially at the local level, recovering public space by the state, such as a municipal ownership of privatized facilities, as well as the inclusion of more participation- also actors. Daniel Reitzig has, in addition to the possibilities of citizen report, Liquid Democracy, return to the self- management of small administrative units, expansion of opportunities for participation already in children and adolescents as well as the construction of a counter public.

Examples

For Crouch New Labour is an example of a " post-democratic party." With the continuation of the neoliberal course of Thatcherism " lost the party [ ... ] every point of attachment to certain social interests" of the working class. The exception was women-specific problems. (see also: The Third Way ) In the Netherlands succeeded after Crouch of the Labour Party a " employment " miracle " ". Nevertheless, the Pim Fortuyn succeeded in 2002, a success which, according to Crouch, probably due to the fact " that the Dutch had the impression that the leaders made ​​too many compromises, which is why they were vulnerable to the new " clarity "that Fortuyn and his supporters promised them. And since no one tried to articulate class-specific interests, it was this "really give clarity " in only one form: namely by mobilized the members of their own nation or "race" against immigrants and ethnic minorities, " Crouch continues as a typical party. of the 21st century Berlusconi's Forza Italia.

A tendency to post-democracy arises from the formation of international mergers, within which there is still no common public discussion and no safe structures to form a consensus democratic discharge due to conflicts of interest. An example of this is the European Union, whose democratic deficit is, however, partly provided ( democratic deficit of the European Union) in agreement. Accordingly, political proposals to eliminate this democratic deficit, not adequately taken into account in concrete reforms in the political system of the EU, in particular in the EU Constitutional Treaty.

Reception

In an interview Crouch says that the Obama movement "refutes my thesis of the internal erosion of democracy. " He continues, " While Obama was the candidate of the Democratic party, but in fact brought him a movement of critical, committed young people into White House. This is the hope for the future. "

Jens-Christian Rabe, who peer reviewed the book for the Süddeutsche Zeitung, argues that democracy is at its core an elitist affair anyway. He leads the Federal Constitutional Court as a positive example. He criticizes further that " in a strange way [ ... ] in the concept of post-democracy ie two together [ true ]: . Too enlightened ( normative ) and too mellow ( disillusioned ) understanding of politics "

Jürgen Kaube also criticized Crouch's normative approach. So he idealize the Fordist state and its society in retrospect and overestimate the actual influence of multinational corporations in the present. Such a model democracy as Crouch she wishes there had never been. Crouch admits in the introduction to his book that his ideal type is demanding. However, he defended him, arguing that the attaching lower standards could lead to adverse developments are overlooked.

It is criticized by Claus Offe that Crouch "too little for individual countries and policy areas differentiating diagnosis " succeed one.

Paul Nolte says that you can " understand historically [ ... ] in the horizon a long history of crisis [ of democracy ] " the current criticism of Crouch should. Today's democracy of the 21st century has evolved. So meets neither the " liberal- conservative view " to even " the left, post- democratic ' perspective because it immerses the state of democracy in a gloomy light that threatens to carry more resigned settings. " Nolte speaks today of a "multiple democracy "which is reflective. " Historically, seems to lead a tendency to deliberative democracy."

Dirk Jörke argued that the description of the crisis of democracy can be interpreted as post-democracy or as a " change in form " of democracy. Some critics " point out that new participatory processes such as mediation process, citizens' forums or consensus conferences to increase. " Jörke makes the observation that only the well-educated middle class uses this new investment opportunities, but the " new sub-layers " because not participate. " Because not all citizens have the resources, which are needed for successful participation in argumentative process. For this next time and at least rudimentary expertise include just rhetorical skills and a confident manner. " Jörke concludes that it is primarily important to" develop forms of mobilization that all those involve back into the political process, which have fled in recent years in politics and democracy chagrin. "

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