Zaza people

The Zaza (Kurdish Zaza, Zaz, Turkish Zaza ) are a population group in Eastern Anatolia. There are also - depending on region or denomination - even different names such as self Dimili, Alevi or KIRD. Some Alevi activists consider ( as of 2001) " Zaza " now considered a Sunni name and instead use as a self-designation Kırmanc and for the language Kırmancki. The number of Zaza is estimated at 3-4 million, their native language Zazaki talk about 2-3 million. In Germany, an estimated 150,000-200,000 live Zaza. According to experts such as Martin van Bruinessen and L. Paul, most Zaza regarded as Kurds and be considered by the Kurmanji - speaking as such. Zazaki is linguistically construed as a separate language and not part of the Kurdish language as Kurmanji or Sorani for " kermanischen " or Kurdish- Iranian central subunit of the Northwestern Iranian language group. Rather, it forms together with the related Gorani an independent subunit Zazaki - Gorani of Northwest Iran.

• 4.1 settlement areas after confession 4.1.1 Sunni Zaza
• 4.1.2 Alevi Zaza

• 7.1 cards

Origin

The Dailemi came after a thesis from the region Daylam and were located in the southern coast of the Caspian Sea and in the western Khorasan. They made much more of a mix of people is as a homogeneous people. From the 5th to the 11th century there several small states were built by them, wherein they play an important role in Iranian history. The most famous dailemische dynasty were the Buyids who in the 10th and 11th centuries ( 945-1055 ) ruled in Baghdad and the caliphate had largely at their mercy.

According to a thesis by German Friedrich Carl Andreas Iranisten of 1906 living in the area südkaspischen Parthian descent Dailemi were ( Dêlemî ) ancestors of Zaza, resulting in one of today's designations for the Zaza, namely " Dimili " could explain. According to CN Yuzbashian in Armenian exist the forms delmik, dlmik to refer to the Zaza. The Encyclopaedia Iranica is based on an original form * dēlmīk (cf. the development of Middle Persian Pārsīk to Modern Persian Farsi). This thesis has been previously represented independently of the Armenian historian Antranig 1880 and later found the support of the Russian orientalist Vladimir Minorsky and the German Oskar Iranisten man and Karl Hadank.

For details → Main article Dimili

The thesis of the origin of the Zazaki - speakers from the north of Iran ( MacKenzie, 1962) was by a recent genetic study in which 27 well cell samples were analyzed by Zazasprechern from Turkey, not be supported. The study had compared genetic characteristics of " Kurds " from different regions (Turkey, Georgia, Iran, Turkmenistan) with each other and with geographically adjacent groups from West Asia, the Caucasus and Central Asia. The " Kurdish " group showed the highest agreement with the West Asian and the least with the Central Asian groups generally. In its relationship to the European and Caucasian groups were found in each inverse relationships of maternal and paternal lineage. For the investigated Zazasprecher generally had a very close genetic relationship to the other " Kurdish " groups. However, the study also points out that so far there are few available genetic testing of Kurdish groups.

According to the study Zazas have the highest proportion of R1a1 * M17 in the Middle East ( 25.9%), this DNA - line is most common among Slavic and Indian peoples. It is associated with Indo-European immigrants from Southern Russia

The " Kurds " expert Martin van Bruinessen moved for the ( largely Zazasprachigen ) ' Kurdish Alevis " in 1997 concluded that it is unlikely that the question of its origins can ever be answered clearly and convincingly, but will the debate about expected still persist.

Ethnic and social definitions of identity

In past centuries, the Speaker of the Zazaki as that of the closely related Gorani were considered, despite the linguistic distance to the neighboring dialects or languages ​​as " Kurds " of themselves as well as of the " Kurdish " speaking neighbors or by outsiders, such as Turkish and Arab authors. These different perspectives have changed to partially different in recent times, which has led to a variety of conceptual ambiguities that may lead to substantive difficulties and misunderstandings by itself. The concrete meaning of the term " Kurdish " is therefore becoming increasingly dependent on the particular assumed etic or emic point of view or from the scientific discipline (linguistics, sociology, ethnology, etc. ) of the beholder, and some of the treated region or group of populations. Thus, even the term " Kurd " " in a broad sense " (eg for the populations in Turkey often: Kurmanji and Zazasprecher ) or " in the narrow sense " (eg for the populations in Turkey often: Kurmandschisprecher ) develop its understanding and each have different meanings. An unraveling of the complex situation requires detailed knowledge of the circumstances under which a statement or source must be considered:

Emic perspectives

A vast majority of Zazasprecher considered nowadays primarily as " Kurds " and also keeps their language for a Kurdish dialect, as evidenced by the long-running policy of assimilation of the Turkish state through the so complicated exploration of the eastern Anatolian languages ​​and dialects as well as by the relative remoteness of eastern Anatolia was favored by modern communication channels and resources.

In fact, the Kurmandschisprecher and a large part of the Zaza together form an " ethno- cultural community " as " Kurds ", but the social and political attitudes of Zazasprecher often determined by narrower loyalties, such as - depending on the situation - of belonging to the Sunni and Alevi.

For while the Zazaki linguistically clear settles from the closely related Kurmanji, runs an ethnic and cultural dividing line of " Kurds " in Turkey rather denominational speaking within the Zazaki and Kurmanji population. The religious denomination formed in Eastern Anatolia is still a determining factor influencing the individual and social identity, is reflected in a corresponding ethno- cultural self down and largely prevents mixed religious marriages. Therefore " mixed marriages " are far more common between " Turkish " and " Kurdish " Alevis and even between " Turkish " and " Kurdish " Sunni Alevi and Sunni ago as between Zazasprechern. The living in the south of the Zaza language area share their Sunni denomination with the adjacent Kurmandschisprechern, often speak Kurmanji, and many Zazasprecher consider themselves in this region even in all respects as " Kurds ". The living in the north " Zaza ", however, belong to the heterodox Alevism, which arose from the many Sunnis " heretical " Shiism. In areas that they inhabit together with Sunni Kurmandschisprechern (such as in the city Varto ), they define themselves primarily to these as " Alevi " or even as " Turks". They differ from the Sunnis by endogamous marriages from and also do not use common cemeteries as a socially unifying instrument. In settlements, which are virtually exclusively inhabited by Alevi Zaza (such as Tunceli Dersim = ), the desire for mutual demarcation, however, is low and a common Kurdish identity more pronounced.

Due to the advent of the Kurdish nationalism as a political force to be determined Many felt obliged to opt for a unique ethnic identity. Many who have been partly or completely Arabized or türkisiert their Kurdish identity began to emphasize again.

Especially since the last decade of the 20th century came a pronounced Zaza - nationalism increasingly to the fore, and there were maps of a potential nation-state " Zazaistan " designed at the expense of a closed Kurdistan. Among the Zazasprechern debates about the thesis of their Kurdish affiliation took place in the sequence, as well as outside the Zazasprecher a heated debate about the extent of the affiliation of the Zaza to the Kurds is kindled.

Several factors are cited as the trigger for the emergence of this Zaza - nationalism:

From an anthropological and historical- sociological point of view characterized Martin van Bruinessen the resulting nationalist movements of the Zaza and Alevis in Turkey as part of a differents dialectical relationship with the Kurdish nationalism. The same processes of urbanization and migration, which have been responsible for an increase of the modern Kurdish consciousness in the big cities have, therefore, also led Kurdish and Zaza - speaking Alevi villagers in the Sunni cities of the region and therefore in direct competition to the Sunni neighbors to the meager resources there. As a result, it finally came to downright antialevitischen pogroms, which in turn causes a strengthening of the Alevi consciousness.

The current Zaza nationalism is, however, according to Martin van Bruinessen against the always existing special awareness of the Alevis, a completely new phenomenon, which still encounters strict rejection of all those numerous Zazasprecher, who hold to the self-identification as Kurds. For this current Zaza - nationalism makes the researcher against a popular conspiracy theory is not the Turkish intelligence responsible, but the special conditions under which the migrant communities in the more western Europe live. Namely, while in Turkey long all local dialects were suppressed and thus the membership did not appear to the group of Kurmanji - or the Zazasprecher important Kurdish activists had asked the migrants to declare their native language in Europe significantly to official recognition about it obtain that Turkish is not the mother tongue of all immigrants from Turkey and Kurdish to the " mother tongue instruction " to enforce (or " origin -tongue teaching " ) in the public schools. This but the Zazasprecher were placed in front of the dilemma that their children, for example in Germany learn either Turkish or Kurmanji if they did not enter for their identity as Zaza.

In particular, a minority of the Alevi and Sunni Zaza - speaking immigrants in Europe has begun to feel as a distinct ethnic group that is forced to free themselves from both the cultural dominance of the non- Zaza - speaking Kurds and the Turkish state. Although owned by the late 1980s from a magazine coined term " Zazaistan " as the home state of the Zazasprecher probably only for a few intellectual romantics in exile attraction, and Zaza nationalism is accordingly still a rather marginal phenomenon of exile politicians. But the revival of Zaza culture and a certain anger at the cultural arrogance of the Kurmandschisprecher said Martin van Bruinessen, a growing insistence seems to cause on a Zaza - identity, which partly influenced the debate within the Zaza in Turkey, especially in Tunceli ( Dersim ). In this geographically isolated and heavily populated by Alevis region a strong particularism is determine based on an independent historical development and cultural identification and expresses itself through an unwillingness to any broader identification and by a distrust of the various political movements. The preoccupation with the self- identification in - and among migrants from - this region is present as intense as in any other region in Turkey and is still in motion.

Another factor that favors the formation of separatist Zaza - nationalism, Kurdish nationalism is viewed. After the abolition of the 1983-1991 law gewesenen in Turkey in force prohibiting the " Kurdish " ( in the broad sense ) languages ​​there had been a sharp increase in publications and television programs in " Kurdish ". Although the scientific question of the classification of Zazaki against Kurmanji is more of academic interest, since it mainly perceives as a language in the local population as a dialect of " Kurdish ". But has performed under the Zazaki and Kurmandschisprechern to a stronger perception of the differences between Zazaki and Kurmanji the increased interest in " Kurdish " communication in connection with a decreasing attractiveness of Turkish as a lingua franca. The resurgence of the " Kurdish " language promoted the interests of Zazasprecher to emancipate themselves as a linguistic minority and against the dominant Kurmanji. This is done often closely associated with a political separation from the dominated Kurmandschisprechern PKK, the hegemonic intentions are attributed.

Width Alevi circles, as both linguistic and religious minorities previously tended to tribal politics and liberal or leftist tendencies to an intellectual sympathy for Marxism and the PKK, see now in the nationalist ideology of the PKK also a Sunni collection, from the they distance themselves increased. On the other hand, however, rejected by Alevi activists just an identification of the language as " Zaza " and a religiously oriented identification preferred as " Kırmanc ". Also in Germany, the outwardly presented self-portrait of organized Alevism has shifted since the late 1990s, away from a culture and toward a religious community. This can be largely attributed to the fact that since that time the topic of religion dominates the German migration policy. The Alevitenverbände here to see the possibility of hearing and support to find, in a highly emotional debates as to the Muslim headscarf because they can effectively deduct from an Islamic orientation, which is mainly shown as intolerant, democracy and misogynist and a threat to the Western system of values ​​or is perceived. The strategic grant from the Alevis to identity as a religious community can be so returned to Germany on the legal framework of the host country that does not allow for recognition as a cultural or ethnic group. It is not to be confused with the self-perception, which has clearly secular trends. According to van Bruin food, many define - if not most - Alevis in the first place as Alevis and only secondarily, if at all, as the Kurds. Thus, the identification as " Zaza " are antagonistic categories such as " Alevi " ( " Alevis ") and " Kırmanc " over without necessarily involve a decision to identify to as " Kurds ".

This variety of possible existing patterns of self- identification between such as language, religion, state, region or class membership (eg Zaza Alevis, Turks, Dersimli, Socialists ), which is not always arranged hierarchically in unwidersprüchliche relationship can be set, van Bruinessen lead to the conclusion that it is impossible here, " to be defined by a number of common cultural characteristics," the essence of identity.

Etic perspectives

A strict rejection of the independence of the Zazaki as speech and the Zaza as an ethnic proceeds from the Kurdish nationalism. This has felt compelled in his quest for a Kurdish nation-state to meet the five conditions (common history, language, territory, economy, culture ) that Stalin for the formation of a nation and thus implying for socialist solidarity and support in the fight looked at a self-determination as a prerequisite. In all parallel manner, as the Turkish nation, the Kurds as a mere part of the Turks declared ( Turkish history thesis ), thus also treated Kurdish nationalism, the question of Zaza.

For etic confusion and semi-official propaganda has taken care of the Turkish side, which has the " Zaza " and " Kurds " are treated as part of the same " problem ". A wider public of Turkey also used in everyday language, the term " Kurmanji " for " the Kurdish language " so that the Kurmanji is to some extent regarded as high-level language of the Kurds, including the Zaza. As can be contradictory and incompatible, the internal and external definitions, is also evident in a sociological study among Alevis the second immigration generation in Germany: while those who identified themselves as Kurds, Zazaki usually conceived of as a Kurdish dialect, the Zazasprecher defined over their native language, were of the view that Zazaki is not a Kurdish language and were convinced that there was no Zazaki -speaking Sunnis.

A significant influence on the identity of the individual or his classification by the Company also has the tribal social organization largely preserved the Kurmanji and Zazasprachigen population in eastern Anatolia, which sets them apart from the earlier than they become sedentary and urban Turkish majority society. Thus, a person employed by a well-known Kurdish tribe or a " big family " is derived, are always regarded as " Kurd ", which identity may be claimed always by herself.

Ethnological perspective

From a scientific perspective, the Zaza form one or even a number of distinct sub-ethnic groups, which still tend to endogamy and also differ in several other features of the Kurmandschisprechern, although these differences at least until the penultimate decade of the 20th century not as were perceived significantly. Thus, from the scientific side ( Martin van Bruinessen, 1989) also proposed to consider the term " Kurd " despite its fuzziness as a whole and a number of ethnic groups such as Sunnis, Alevis or Yazidi.

Language

→ Main article Zaza language

The Zaza language is often even today - for example, for political and cultural reasons - considered a " Kurdish " dialect. In contrast, the Iranian Zazaki regarded as an independent language of the northwestern branch of the Iranian languages ​​, which includes among others the " Kurdish " languages ​​Kurmanji and Sorani. Within this northwestern branch form the " Kurdish " languages ​​- along with central Iranian dialects - a genetic subgroup; the Zaza is in contrast with the Gorani an independent subunit Zaza - Gorani who may have closer ties with the Balochi. ( See the classification of the northwestern Iranian languages ​​. )

Linguists of the 19th century such as Pyotr Lerch considered Zazaki as the one of the dialects within the Kurdish language that is unintelligible to speakers of Kurmanji dialect to a few words. Zazaki was elevated to a separate language within the Iranian language family by the many studies of Iranisten Oskar Mann and Karl Hadank, from which in 1932 the first comprehensive scientific grammar of Zazaki emerged ( called " dialects of Zaza ").

The Zaza language has striking similarities with the extinct Middle Iranian Parthian language, do not share the southwestern Iranian Persian and its predecessor languages. However, you can not prove that the Parthian has been an immediate predecessor of the Zaza language.

The following classification of the Northwest Iranian describes in more detail the linguistic position of Zaza and Kurdish languages:

• Nordwestiranisch 24 languages ​​, 31 million speakers Medisch > Medisch † ( altiranisch )
• Parthian > Parthian † ( mitteliranisch )
• Caspian Gilaki - Māzandarānī > Gilaki ( 1.3 million), Mazanderani ( 2.2 million), Gurgani †
• Semnani > Semnani, Sangisari, Sorchei, Lasgerdi ( together 50 T)
• Taleshi > Talysh ( 1 million)

• Kurdish > Kurmanji ( Northwest Kurdish ) (15-20 million), Sorani ( Central Kurdish, Kurdish ) ( 4 million), Südkurdisch ( 3 million)
• Zentraliranisch > Tafreshi, Mahallati - Chunsari, Kashani - Natanzi, Gazi, Yazdi - Kermani - Nayini, Kaviri, Sivandi

Settlement areas

The Zaza are originally native to the remote mountain area of ​​Anatolia and live on agriculture and livestock. The area includes the provinces of Adiyaman Gerger, Bingol, Bitlis - Mutki, Erzincan, Gümüshane, South Erzurum, Elazig, Diyarbakir, Malatya and Malatya Arapgir Pötürge, Muş - Varto, eastern Sivas, Şanlıurfa - Siverek, Tunceli and Aksaray and Kayseri Sariz. There are also diaspora communities in Turkey's major cities such as Ankara, Istanbul, Izmir or Mersin. In the urban diaspora pressure to assimilate the loss of the mother tongue accelerate.

In Europe, to a lesser extent in America and Australia, large diaspora communities caused by the pressure of migration of the Turkish state.

The lives of many Zaza in Anatolia was heavily chipped or in some places completely destroyed in the last few years by the war of the Kurdish PKK and the Turkish military because of the frequent village evictions, so that now stand empty, many former Zaza villages or only by old people or only are inhabited in the summer.

Settlement areas after confession

The ethnic group of Zaza divided about halfway into Alevis and Sunnis, with the southern Zaza in Adiyaman Gerger, Bitlis - Mutki, West Diyarbakir, Malatya - Pötürge, Şanlıurfa - Siverek and hanafitischer from Aksaray Sunni school of law in South Bingöl, North of Diyarbakir and Elazig are Sunni Shafi ʿ itischer law school. The northern Zaza Alevis are mainly and live in Kayseri Sariz, northern Bingöl, Erzincan, Erzurum South, Kars ( Selim, Göle ), Malatya - Arapgir, Muş - Varto, eastern Sivas and Tunceli and in some villages in the north of Elazig. The religious separation accordingly, extend the three main dialect boundaries of Zazaki.

A detailed overview of the divided according to denomination settlement patterns shows a map of Eastern Anatolia (1987 ) and the associated band (1989 ) in edited by Peter Alford Andrews ethnography of Turkey. This shows, in contrast to western Anatolia that not by the distribution of population in Eastern Anatolia scattered and mixed villages distinguished, but that the groups of minorities here tend to take blocky concentrated areas of lands:

Sunni Zaza

The distribution of the Sunni Zaza - if known - has two major settlement areas:

There are also some smaller settlement areas:

And other individual settlements or settlement areas:

Alevi Zaza

The Alevi Zaza live mainly in two major settlement areas:

There is to these three main groups of settlements in the foothills dissemination of the Alevis:

Self and other names of Zaza

Of the Turks, the Zaza were designated on the basis of the official policy of assimilation long time as Turks. Today, they are expected by the Turkish state to the Kurds. Also from the Zaza Kurds are ethnically, culturally and linguistically considered as Kurds.

The following - certainly not complete - list gives an overview of the complicated situation of the self and the other names of Zaza and their language. The presentation follows J. Blue, Gurani and Zaza, in the Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum (1989) and Z. Selcan, grammar of Zaza language (1998). Despite the different names that Zaza is usually clearly separated from Kurdistan in the self-assessment of its speakers. Among the Alevis religious affiliation plays a greater role than the linguistic assignment, so they feel Kurdish, Turkish or Arab Alevis closer than non- Alevi Zaza.

• Zaza is the self-designation of Zaza in Bingöl, Dara Heni, Piran, Elazig and Sariz and in major Turkish cities (Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Mersin ). Your language they call Zazaki. The name goes back to an old tribal name that is already documented in 1330 in the " Pedigree of the Kurin ". 1650 also used the Turkish traveler Evliya Çelebi this term for the Zaza tribes, which he found in this region of Anatolia.
• The Zaza the northern provinces of Erzincan Dersim and use the self-designation Kırmanc ( Kırmandj ) and call their language Kirmancki or Kırmancki. This designation, however, reject the Alevi Zaza the provinces Varto, Hinis and Zara, because the Sunni Kurds of this region also called Kurmanc or Kirmanc. The Alevi Dimilen denote the Sunni Kurds themselves as a cure or Kurmanc and the Alevi Kurds as Kirdas ( their language as Kirdaski ). The similarity of the oft-quoted self-designation of Dersim Zaza as " Kırmanc " with the self-designation of " Kurdish " speakers ( in the narrow sense ) as " Kurmanc " is apparently not the result of a same word origin, but a similar verlaufenen word development in two related languages: In the " Kurdish " (ie p ) denotes " Kurmanc " frequently " farmers " in contrast to " nomadic ", which are then referred to as " Kurd ". This meaning as " farmer" may originally also in the related language of Zaza been used as the self-designation " Kırmanc ". Already for the 17th century it was shown that the terms " Kurmanc " and " Kurd " were used interchangeably to address the totality of the " Kurds ". The fact that both groups ( Zazasprecher and " Kurds " in the narrow sense ) in Turkish and other foreign languages ​​as " Kurd " or " Kurdish " denote, therefore supports the Kurdish nationalist point of view probably only apparent. After it has been a division of activists from around 1990, which claim to represent the interests of Zaza, obtained the terms " Kırmanc " / " Kırmancki " increasingly political significance. They have since been used by the Group of the Alevis, who reject the name " Zaza " as a self-designation and be regarded as a label of the Sunnis. After the phase of a left position to the Turkish state they represent again primarily their religious identity as Alevis in the foreground and have the claim of other Zazasprecher back to regard the language as the most important criterion of identity independent of religious affiliation as Sunni or Alevi.
• A common self-designation among Sunni and Alevi Zaza is " Dimili ". For example, in the southern provinces and counties Siverek, Cermik and Gerger. From the " Kurds " are mentioned in accordance with partly also " Dümbüli ", " Dümülü " or " Dimili " Sunni Zaza. Not common, however, this self- designation is in the Zaza in the areas of Erzincan, Kigi and Mutki. The name " Dimili " could be a reference to the Zaza Ethnikon Daimeli point ( as in " origin ").
• The Alevi Zaza prefer ( Andrews, 1989) as a self-designation in the first place Alevi and pull as opposed to the Sunni Zaza even the name " Dimili " nor " Zaza " before.
• In the provinces of Tunceli, Erzincan and Sivas also exists the self-designation Carek.
• In the provinces of Kayseri, Sivas and Malatya, the Zaza language is referred to by the Kurds as Gini, which goes back to a resident Zaza strain.
• In the province of Bingöl to a few strains of the Zaza call ( to blue ) also Kird or KIRD and speak Kırtki, while indicating the Kurds as " Kurmanc ".
• Within Anatolia using Sunnis - even Sunni Zaza - for Alevi tribes also derived from a religious sect nickname Kızılbaş ( " red-heads "). In the so pejoratively signified it may be both Alevi Zaza as well as to " Kurds ", " Turks" or Arab act.
• In the province of Dersim the Zaza carry the nickname So- Bê "go - come on ." ( The Kurmanc bear in Dersim nicknamed Here -were, which means to Kurmanci also geh- come. However, there are also the forms " BICE Bê " in Kurmanci )